When you study the Black Death and its aftermath, no statement seems more fitting. This chapter aims to illustrate the socio-economic consequences of the period Dyer describes as a “crisis” (Dyer 2002, Ch 7). Its impact on the arts, architecture and specifically, carpentry, will be analysed in both an archaeological and historical context. In doing so, it is hoped that this evidence will help illuminate the changing trends, in technologies and styles, employed during the 14th and 15th centuries, visible in the legacy left by carpenters of the late medieval period. The evidence presented in this chapter will outline much of what is now known of the period leading up to and including, the Black Death, the first half of the 14th Century AD. The Black Death spread from Western Asia through the Middle East, North Africa and finally Europe between 1346 and 1353, “causing catastrophic losses of population everywhere” (Benedictow 2004, 3). Benedictow describes it as the “greatest-ever demographic disaster” which became known, by later historians many centuries later in Europe, as the Black Death, from the Latin atra mors, such was its impact on society, religion and folklore (Aberth 2001, 2; Benedictow 2004, 3). Though the Black Death occurred over a relatively short period in England (c.1348-50), its influence on subsequent generations cannot be ignored (Bailey 1998; Dyer 2002; James 1999a, 1). Benedictow surmises that the Black Death entered England, through the Dorset seaport of Melcombe Regis (now Weymouth), during May or June of 1348, spreading rapidly throughout England and Ireland, primarily by sea trade or navigable waterways and, at a slower rate, over land (Benedictow 2004, 126-30). It is estimated that in excess of fifty percent of the population was wiped out by the epidemic and did not replenish fully, until well into the eighteenth century (Bailey 1998, 223; Dyer 2002, 233; James 1999a, 1; 1999b; Kitsikopoulos 2002; Van-Bavel 2002). This recovery was further hindered by smaller, localised plagues that continued, throughout England, into the sixteenth century such as the “mortalite des enfants” of 1361-2, so called because it mainly affected the youths, and again in 1369 and 1374 (James 1999b; McKisack 1959, 331). Knüsel suggests that the reason why the mortality rate was so high, during the initial outbreak, was due to humans having no prior immunity to the plague. This may explain why subsequent visitations did not effect such horrific mortality rates, as the population had developed partial immunity through surviving the initial outbreak (Knüsel & Margerison 2002, 134). Towns seem to have been less affected by population loss than rural areas, as many migrated from the countryside to fill the gaps left by those who died, although many towns did decline, as seen in the archaeological record (Ottaway 1992, 209). Cantor posits England as one of the ‘worst-hit’ countries in Medieval Europe (Cantor 2002, 7). Much of what is known of the mortality rate in England can be derived from registries of institutions, a list made by the Bishop’s registrar of all ecclesiastical vacancies, in various parishes overseen by the relevant Bishops. Although this is only a guide, as to the death rate among Parish Priests, Benedictow presents a formula to apply this to general population losses (Benedictow 2004, 123-6). It has always been notoriously difficult to find archaeological evidence for the Black Death although in recent year’s sites such as the Royal Mint, in East Smithfield, London, have been partially excavated. These remain the only Black Death cemeteries known in the City but are also extremely rare across Europe (Hawkins 1990, 637; Knusel & Margerison 2002, 134). The archaeology undertaken into burial practices during the Black Death can help shed light on mortality rates and religious practice, but perhaps more significant to this thesis, hierarchical divisions visible in the graves and pits. As shall be seen in chapter 4, the architecture of the period reflected the rigidity of social divide, from the house of the Yeoman right up to Royal households. With such divisions in class eloquently set in stone, are these divisions reflected during such a crisis as death on an unprecedented level? If social division is irrelevant during the burial of individuals, is this reflected elsewhere in the arts, architecture and trades of the time? The following text aims to answer these questions. The two London relief cemeteries existed to ease pressure on local churchyards. The excavation of one, conducted by the Museum of London’s Department of Greater London Archaeology between June 1986 and June 1988 (Hawkins 1990, 638), revealed two pits 67m and 125m in length, running north to south, and averaging 2 metres wide, at a depth of 1.25m. Although both the pits were densely packed with skeletal remains (Hawkins 1990, 638; Ottaway 1992, 209), both Hawkins and Horrox explain that the bodies were still buried with respect, indicated by the west-east orientation of the articulated skeletons, averaging 5 bodies deep (Hawkins 1990, 638; Horrox et al. 1999, 105). No grave markers, graveyard structures nor boundaries were found in the excavated areas (Hawkins 1990, 640). Not all contemporary burials on this site were mass graves; some had been interred in coffins, shrouds or buried with ashes, while others had large coin groups buried with them. However, Hawkins suggests there is no significance in distribution, associated with these practices, nor can they infer any relationship to status (Hawkins 1990, 640). This would appear to be in direct opposition to the contemporary social structure, demarcated by the tripartite house plan (Roberts 2003, 126-7), (see chapter 2.3.2). The archaeology could not shed any light on the chronologies of those interred in individual graves, compared to those placed in mass pits, as no time differences could be inferred by analysing the grave cuts, or fills and there were no stratigraphic indicators to suggest a time sequence (Hawkins 1990, 640). One key note of Hawkins is that there is no distinguishable difference between these examples and late medieval graves in general and, that if it were not for documents pertaining to the sole use of this cemetery for plague victims, it would have been difficult to prove. This, he suggests, is the reason why it is hard to find any archaeological evidence of the Black Death, in other cemeteries, as there are no differentiating factors (Hawkins 1990, 640-1). Another outcome of the Royal Mint excavation is the unique opportunity to investigate the potential for any archaeological evidence of the Great Famine (1315-17), in the skeletal remains from the site (Antoine & Hillson 2005, 27). In their current research, Antoine and Hillson aim to examine skeletons and particularly dental remains of individuals over the age of 30, to see if any effects of the famine can be found in their growth patterns. This particular demographic was selected as they would have been children who survived the famine but died in adulthood, during the Black Death (Antoine & Hillson 2005, 27). A group of 30 individuals over the age of 30 were selected, as well as a control group of 7 individuals, less than 30 years of age; 4 to 6 teeth were removed from each, for microscopic analysis. Antoine and Hillson suggest that that teeth form growth rings, similar to that of trees, whilst they are forming in a pre-teen years and, that an ‘enamel prism cross-striation’ forms, for each year of growth. They suggest that “it is possible to use these structures to build a detailed chronology of tooth formation and to map out any disruptions that may have occurred during formation” such as malnutrition in childhood (Antoine & Hillson 2005, 27). Unlike bones, teeth can not regenerate and, therefore, produce a permanent record of growth. As with dendrochronology (see chapter 4.1), these growth rings can be matched across the subject group, to map any changes in the formations and produce an accurate date for any disruptions. They are currently analysing the tooth samples and propose to cross reference growth disruptions with fluctuations of wheat prices from historical accounts of the famine (Antoine & Hillson 2005, 27). Additional archaeological information, regarding the Royal Mint site, was undertaken by Knüsel and Margerison, who compared the “catastrophic” cemetery (one built almost instantly in response to increased mortality) with a contemporary attritional cemetery (one built over time), from St. Helen-on-the-Walls, Yorkshire, dating from the 12th to 16th century (Knusel & Margerison 2002, 134). Their work employs paleodemographic techniques to assess any impact of the Black Death on the archaeological skeletal remains, to determine whether such an epidemic can be traced in the skeletal record, in the absence of any other archaeological, historical or documentary evidence; “if so, ...